Committee in Support of Solidarity Reports
Issue No. 5
July 22, 1982
IN THIS ISSUE
The Impunity of the Police page 1
The underground Solidarity press report on beatings and the use of torture by the authorities.
The Protests in June page 4
Workers demonstrate in Gdansk, Wroclaw, Nowa Huta, Radom, and Ursus
After May 13 page 5
A poll of workers at a Warsaw factory is taken after the May protests.
'Begin Preparations for a General Strike' page 7
Zbigniew Romaszewski, a leader of Warsaw Solidarity, outlines his strategy for action in an interview with 'Mazowsze Weekly.'
Wroclaw Solidarity Underground page 10
Continuing a series of interviews with Solidarity leaders underground, 'Mazowsze Weekly' talks with Wladyslaw Frasyniuk, the elected chairman of Wroclaw Solidarity, who has escaped arrest.
Letter to Radio Free Europe page 13
Excerpts from a letter sent to RFE from Poland.
The Need for Freedom of Speech page 15
The state of war continues. The underground press grows.
Going for a Walk page 17
In Olsztyn, people are fired for participating in walks during the evening news.
Children's Paintings of the State of War page 18
An exhibition of children's drawings in Krakow is not what the authorities had in mind.
Will We Protect Ourselves Against Hatred page 19
A letter to 'Mazowsze Weekly' questions the role of the church in resisting the state of war.
'With The Goal of Introducing Order' page 21
A military prosecutor closes the investigation of the 'July Manifesto' Mine, where police used firearms against unarmed striking workers.
Nothing to Crow About page 23
These items are the most recent that the Committee in Support of Solidarity has published through the date of this report.
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The Committee in Support of Solidarity, based in New York, organizes efforts on behalf of the Solidarity movement in Poland and for general human rights for the Polish people.
One of the Committee's most important activities is to report information about the situation in Poland, which is gathered from underground Solidarity publications in Poland; the official Polish press; interviews with Polish citizens and foreign travelers who have been allowed to leave Poland; and Solidarity sources in Poland and in Europe.
The Committee in Support of Solidarity makes this information available in regular reports appearing weekly or biweekly, including press advisories and Polish-language bulletins; in editions of a quarterly journal, the Solidarnosc Bulletin; and in special reports describing and analyzing different aspects of the situation in Poland.
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THE IMPUNITY OF THE POLICE
[Since the imposition of the state of war, reports of beatings and torture of prisoners have come out of Poland. Below are reports of beatings and torture appearing in the 'Chronicle of Lawlessness' in MAZOWSZE WEEKLY, issue no. 14, May 19 and issue no. 15, May 27, 1982, which compiles items from Warsaw and other regions of Solidarity. We also print items from the Information Service of the Malopolska Regional Executive Commission, issue no. 10, dated May 29.]
* April 16. Two riot policemen [ZOMO], (one of whom was drunk) in Poznan seized a 12-year old boy wearing a resistor [a small electronic part widely worn in place of Solidarity badges]. They pulled him into the building of the Party Provincial Committee and beat him up, hitting his head and body with fists and striking his kidneys with truncheons. During the beating one policeman said to another: 'Beat him, just be careful you don't kill him.' At the end of the beating he stated: 'You'll find out how fascists do beatings.' [WIELKOPOLSKA OBSERVER, no. 24]
* Secret policemen in Bialystok interrogate and search children. Recently we have received information about the interrogation of two girls, 8 and 12 years old. On May 1st, when Krystyna Strubel, the mother of the 12 year old girl and an employee of Solidarity's Regional Commission, was not at home, her daughter let in the police agents. After an hour the girl, Agnieszka, was taken for interrogation. She has suffered from severe depression ever since.
* On May 2nd in Krakow, Jerzy Kolodziej was stopped and held for not having his identification card with him. He was beaten by a ZOMO patrolman at the police precinct on Batory Street and fell into shock. He has been hospitalized in a mental institution in Kobierzyn.
* Because he refused to wash the spray paint off the party bulletin board at the factory, Jan Zackiewicz, an employee of the Warsaw Steelworks, was beaten so severely that he had to be hospitalized. (He is married and has four children.) [AUGUST '80, The Bulletin of the Warsaw Steelworks, March 30]
* The riot policemen in Bielsko-Biala beat up the passengers riding the mass transit and then held them in Black Marias [police vans] until 5 a.m.
* In April, the prison guards in Fordon beat up Urszula Wojciechowska (an employee of the Bydgoszcz Solidarity Regional Commission), Krystyna Gajownik (telex operator for the commission), and M. Les, a student at Bydgoszcz High School.)
* The brutal intervention of police and ZOMO units during the May demonstrations have resulted in many fatalities. We have confirmed information about three victims, two from Warsaw and one from Krakow:
MIECZYSLAW RADOMSKI (1926-May 3, 1982)
A locksmith at the Unitra-Unima factory [in Warsaw], and a father of five children, [Radomski] died during the demonstration May 3rd.
He had left his house to attend the Mass at the Cathedral, but could not reach the Old Town district, which had been blocked off by the police. The ambulance picked him up at the corner of Marszalkowska and Swietokrzyska Streets, where the ZOMO attacked a gathering of people. He died on the way to the hospital. Two days later, his wife discovered the body at the hospital on Lidleya Street. In shock, she signed a statement given her by the office of the public prosecutor that she would not request an autopsy.
Mieczyslaw Radomski's friends put up a lighted candle and a Solidarity badge at his place of work. His funeral was attended by about 500 persons from Unitra and other enterprises. Friends made speeches over the casket, which was wrapped in a red-and-white flag with 'Solidarity' written on it. They said: 'Mieczyslaw Radomski never acquiesced in the suspension of our Union. In spite of harassment by the management, he never removed his Solidarity badge.'
Nineteen years old, [Lenartowicz] died on May 5th in Warsaw as a result of injuries. (Taken from a plaque on her grave at the Powazki Cemetery, quarter 247.)
Nineteen years old, [Rycerz] died on May 4th in Krakow as a result of a truncheon blow to the nose (which caused him to choke to death on the blood). On the preceding day, during the demonstration, Rycerz was present at the social club where the youth were seeking shelter. The ZOMO took everyone out and organized a 'health run' [a lane of policemen beating people who are forced to pass through]. [MALOPOLSKA INFORMATION SERVICE, Issue No. 6]
* In Auschwitz on May 1st, Grzegorz Goldynia was stopped for wearing a Solidarity badge. He is 20 years old, married, and a father of a small child. He was immediately sentenced by a misdemeanor court and fined 2000 zlotys. While walking out of the court, he was stopped again and taken to a police station. He was beaten there for six hours. Before the beating, he was shown two truncheons: a white one and a black one, and asked with which he would prefer to be beaten. He replied: 'With a red one.' After the beating, the semi-conscious Goldynia was thrown out of the station and threatened with death if he said anything about it to anyone.
That night he was interned and taken to the Lupkow Nowy camp. His brother, Janusz, has been interned since December 13th. His mother was acquitted by a court in Katowice on the charge that she organized a strike at the chemical factory 'Oswiecim.' The Supreme Court ordered a retrial following the public prosecutor's appeal, of the acquittal. His father is hospitalized after having suffered a heart attack.
* Mieczyslaw Rokitowski from Przemysl died April 3rd at the Investigative Prison in Zaleze, following torture during his interrogation. He was arrested March 23, 1982 'in connection with a suspicion of a crime described in article 48, items 2 and 4 of the Decree of the State of War of December 12, 1981, i.e. that he distributed illegal literature of the suspended Solidarity union, which contained false information that could cause public disturbances.' On the death certificate, signed by the director of the Investigative Prison Ambulatory in Rzeszow, Dr. Jacek Orlowski, the cause of death is cited as a brain tumor and mental disorder.
* Patrycjusz Kosmowski, chairman of [Solidarity's] Podbeskidzie Region [in southern Poland], would probably be free today if the authorities had not resorted to methods used by the Nazis. [Kosmowski was in hiding when] the police came to his apartment and took his small child away. Later his wife was arrested 'and brutally interrogated in Rybnik. Learning of the persecutions suffered by his family, Kosmowski voluntarily presented himself to the oppressors. [THE VOICE OF THE FREE WORKER, Issue No. 13/14, April 20th]
* A 16 year-old girl was being forced to identify photographs of persons during a search of a Krakow apartment. When she refused to identify anyone she was punished with a hot iron pressed against her thigh.
* During the May 13th demonstrations in Krakow, some bored ZOMO policemen attacked a couple passing by. After checking their ID's, one policeman hit them with a truncheon and shouted: 'Scream or I'll kill you.' Reaching the conclusion that they were running too slowly, he chased them and hit the girl on the head. When she fell down, another policeman started to beat and kick her. Then they pulled her up by the hair and hit her with truncheons about the head and face. Both victims were later chased from one side of the street to another, to the accompaniment of blows against garbage cans. The joyful band screamed wildly and cursed. [SYGNAL, Issue No. 20, May 20th]
* Malgorzata Chmielewska has been held at the prison on Okopowa Street since February 13th. To break her down, she was put into a cell together with a criminal prisoner. She was interrogated only at night, tortured, while her hands were pulled behind her back, and blinded by a bright lamp. The cell-mate also harassed and beat her. When Chmielewska was moved to another prison, she was still being blackmailed and threatened with a return to Okopowa Prison, to the same cell. At present Chmielewska is at a psychiatric hospital in Elblag. [GDANSK, Issue No. 2, April 25th]
THE PROTESTS IN JUNE
[The following has been compiled from Western press reports and reports of the official Polish press. As information arrives from the Solidarity press, we will pass it on to you.]
To mark the sixth month of the state of war, demonstrations were held in Gdansk, Wroclaw, and Nowa Huta (a steel production town near Wroclaw) and other cities. In all the cities, the police dispersed the demonstrations.
'In order to prevent a direct clash between the security police and the crowds,' according to Polityka, a weekly newspaper in Warsaw, the police used water cannons, truncheons, and tear gas, which hung over the cities for a full day.
According to official reports, more than 120 people were arrested in Wroclaw (among them forty high school and university students), and 118 in Nowa Huta. Twenty three police officers were injured in Wroclaw and six in Nowa Huta.
On the sixth anniversary of the worker protests in 1976 in Radom and Ursus, a suburb outside of Warsaw, several hundred workers gathered outside the Ursus Tractor Factory.
On the same day, the authorities organized an official commemoration, boycotted by most workers.
June 27th and 28th
The authorities organized an official commemoration of the worker protests in 1956 in Poznan, which resulted in seventy five deaths according to the official reports, and many more according to independent sources. Approximately 3,000 marchers at the demonstration started chanting Solidarity slogans and were dispersed by the police with water cannons and tear gas.
On the next day, an unofficial demonstration took place and was also dispersed by the police. Official reports say that 194 people were arrested. No reports about wounded or killed are available.
[From MAZOWSZE WEEKLY, issue no. 15, May 27, 1982]
AFTER MAY 13th
An opinion poll of workers at a Warsaw enterprise
Below we publish the results of a survey taken among several active union groups in a medium-sized Warsaw enterprise. Fifty one responses were received. The results cannot, of course, be treated as representative, since they describe the mood in a place where in previous months strikes also had been organized for the 13th, and where Solidarity's organization is better than average. The best proof of this is that it was possible to undertake a survey such as this one.
A = WORKERS (28)
B = WHITE COLLAR WITH HIGH SCHOOL EDUCATION, EMPLOYED IN PRODUCTION (10)
C = MANAGERS WITH HIGHER EDUCATION (13)
WAS THE STRIKE REALLY NEEDED?
HOW WELL DID IT SUCCEED?
MODERATELY WELL 43%
NO OPINION 10%
We also asked the following questions: 'What do you expect from Solidarity during the state of war, and how would you like to defend the union?' 'What actions should the Union undertake?' 'What kind of activities should it engage in?' Fragments of replies follow. [The numbers given are the ages of the respondents.]
'Wearing a union button everyday is a more effective statement of the union's existence than sporadic strikes.' (Department manager, 38)
'I would like to demonstrate my Solidarity membership in every conceivable way.' (Lathe operator, 30)
'Actions should be organized that do not expose people to reprisals. For example, voluntary, individual walks to work.' (Engineer, 43)
'I want to defend Solidarity in street demonstrations.' (Locksmith, 35)
'Union cells should be properly organized. In no case should small groups undertake protest actions.' (Locksmith, 49)
'It is necessary to organize a very large demonstration in the center of Warsaw, and to prepare for a general strike.' (Engineer, 42)
'I am for safe forms of resistance: boycotting the press, walks during TV news, switching off the lights.' (Worker, 22).
'We should organize sit-in strikes and street demonstrations and marches.' (Worker, 42)
'I can stand in Solidarity's defense by supporting it financially, wearing its button and distributing its bulletins.' (Technician, 35)
'Either a general strike involving 10 million, or we must wait until the authorities themselves call off the state of war. Otherwise it's like shooting at the moon.' (Lathe operator, 31)
'We should prepare for a general strike and at the same time constantly harass CROW [the junta, whose acronym WRON, means crow in Polish]. ' (Worker, 22)
'Union actions should not lead out to the streets. We should orient ourselves toward long term, educational activities.' (Lawyer, 50).
'Society must be prepared for a nationwide protest action. I expect that Solidarity will increase its press runs and the numbers of people active in the union. ' (Technician, 37)
'Solidarity should work out a program of accord--its conditions and guarantees.' (Technician, 32)
'I expect Solidarity to efficiently organize strikes.' (Technician, 30).
'The Union should, along with propaganda, work on self-government and an economic program.' (Manager, 35).
'We should explain to the people that successful actions depend not on the underground, but on the union masses.' (Quality controller, 31)
'BEGIN PREPARATIONS FOR A GENERAL STRIKE'
[Zbigniew Romaszewski, a member of the Presidium of the Warsaw Regional Commission of Solidarity and of the Regional Executive Commission that was formed last spring to coordinate activities during the state of war, gave this interview to MAZOWSZE WEEKLY. It appeared in issue no. 16, dated June 2, 1982, as part of a series of interviews with Solidarity leaders underground.]
Editor: Do you see any possibility that Solidarity will be reactivated?
Zbigniew Romaszewski: Yes. And I think that some officials also understand that this is necessary. Otherwise no stabilization is possible. The conflict will grow. Continuous escalation of terror will not solve anything. At most it will result in things exploding sooner.
I would describe the situation as a stalemate. December changed the disposition of forces, but it's still the same stalemate. On one side are the authorities, who have no basis for ruling society and are unable to pacify it. On the other side is Polish society, which rejects the authorities. If it were not for external factors, for the threat of intervention, it would over throw the authorities. Ultimately such a stalemate can be solved only on the international level.
However, the present situation is like standing with pistols drawn--but refraining from shooting them off. In the long run this is impossible. Either some kind of accord is reached, or someone starts shooting. Society's hostility toward the authorities inevitably leads to apathy. The economy is falling into ruins. It may come to a [real] famine.
Editor: Aren't you afraid that the USSR will decide to strengthen the Polish authorities by intervening?
Zbigniew Romaszewski: This surely would be a difficult and risky step for Moscow Intervention would entail serious international consequences. It would mean a westward movement of large military forces, directly threatening NATO. It would force the West to speed up their armament programs. Due to technological inferiority and economic difficulties, the USSR is not able to compete in such a race. Knowing that its position could quickly deteriorate, the Soviet Union would be forced either to opt for a full-scale confrontation, or to forego intervention and adopt a policy of peace.
Editor: Aren't such calculations as unrealistic as those made before December?
Zbigniew Romaszewski: Lack of realism then followed from the disproportion between the demands put forth by the Solidarity movement, and the means it was prepared to use. One cannot, at the same time, demand full independence and state that casualties and deaths may [not] be suffered. We must realize that only a full determination on the part of the society, and limited demands for redress may incline the authorities towards a compromise. They will allow only for concessions that do not threaten them directly, but which, at the same time, will not solve all of the social and political problems in the country.
Editor: So you believe that nothing will change until the Polish question is settled internationally?
Zbigniew Romaszewski: Yes, I believe so. However, in the meantime, something like a 'weak accord' is possible. It will allow a kind of makeshift co-existence of society and the authorities. The accord must be such that it would be acceptable to the major part of society. If the support for it is not general, new tensions will emerge very quickly, especially since the authorities are not able to keep their promises. The accord should satisfy three conditions:
1. Releasing the internees, amnesty for the convicted, an act of abolition covering the infractions of the martial law -- this is a basic condition.
2. Reconstruction of the [free trade] Union [Solidarity] --it must remain independent and self-governing. One can argue about its program, even about Solidarity's statutes, but they can be changed only by [Solidarity's] National Congress. However, I think that the Congress would demonstrate a realistic attitude in this respect.
3. The fulfillment of certain economic demands--it must be included among the conditions of the accord. First of all -a program of combating unemployment. Here I have in mind a package of laws that would permit the establishment of wage-earners' cooperatives in the trades, service industry, and small industry.
Editor: What should be done to force the authorities to come to an agreement?
Zbigniew Romaszewski: We should begin preparations for a general strike. We don't have much time. The strike should start in the fall, before a Brezhnev-Reagan summit. Its prospect will deter the USSR from undertaking drastic steps. The strike will place the Polish problem at the center of international attention.
It should be a nationwide general strike coupled with active defense of workplaces and enterprises. In Warsaw twenty or thirty large enterprises would go on a sit-in strike, the rest on a supportive, 'absentee' strike. In addition, demonstrations and marches would divert part of the [regime's] forces. If the situation becomes grave, the authorities will not, in my opinion, be able to count even on support from the police units, never mind the army. If [just]] one battalion refuses to shoot... It happened in February, 1917, when a small squad of Cossacks crossed over to the protesters' side, and after one month the Tsar was out... At the present moment, it is difficult to organize brief strikes. People say that they risk dismissal for a 15 minute [walk-out] which achieves nothing. But they are ready to take a much greater risk if they know that 'this will be their last battle.' This also held true before December 13th. When during the Bydgoszcz crisis [in March 1981] I was in Walbrzych [a coal-mining city in Lower Silesia], the miners were saying: stop jerking us around for half an hour at a time. We are ready to go down [into the mines] for two weeks if as a result we win the peace. If we succeed in forging society's attitudes as in March, 1981, then either the authorities will yield to the strike threat, or we shall win the strike [itself].
Editor: How would the accord come about?
Zbigniew Romaszewski: There are two possibilities. Either, realizing a catastrophe is impending the authorities decide to make an agreement with us before it comes to the strike. Or, the strike breaks out, the authorities' attempts to break it in two or three days fail, there is a palace coup, the new team declares that its predecessors lost contact with the masses, and they agree to make concessions.
Editor: And what if the general strike does not take place in the fall?
Zbigniew Romaszewski: If the state of war is prolonged, paramilitary organizations will start to emerge in the underground. Spontaneous activity can exist only in the short run. If we say to ourselves: the strike will take place in three years, the Underground State must be created--on the pattern of the [Nazi] occupation, with a Directorate of Diversion, supervisory departments, etc. Besides, putting off the general strike ties in with the risk of terror. If a mass movement on Solidarity's scale is subject to repression, if people are spied on, a tendency to liquidate the informers, to create terrorist groups, must emerge. To my mind this route leads nowhere.
Editor: How should one prepare for the strike?
Zbigniew Romaszewski: The creation of the Mazowsze Regional Executive Commission was the first step in the strike preparations. We must now put inter-factory agreements 'in order,' that is, [to organize] the intermediary structures between the Regional Commission and individual enterprises. At present these agreements overlap in some places, not knowing about each other. Conflicts erupt between them. And yet, they gather the most active union members together, and all are ready to subject themselves to the Regional Commission. Four people cannot coordinate or undertake a general strike. Inter-factory agreements should find a place in the emerging hierarchical organizational structure.
Strike cells must be created in all enterprises. They will draw up plans for defending the workplaces. They will inform the Regional Commission when they are ready. Several technical difficulties must be solved: for example, communications and the creation of a radio-telephone network. UHF transmitters and receivers must be built to enable communication among enterprises. Short-wave radios [are needed] for communication between regions. We have to take into account the possibility that communications will be blocked entirely, and build a transmitter capable of broadcasting information about the course of the strike. Appearances to the contrary, this will not be a big problem. If the Gdansk Shipyard barricades itself, any kind of antenna can be built there. At this time--utilizing the experience of Radio Solidarity -we are working on a comprehensive plan to secure communications for the general strike.
Editor: Aren't you afraid of the responsibility for such a decision?
Zbigniew Romaszewski: I have taken responsibility together with my mandate from the National and Regional [elected union] structures. I am responsible not only for this or that decision, but also for not making a decision at all--for condemning the Solidarity movement to a passivity, and for condemning our country to normalization a la Czechoslovakia. For not organizing a stand, [even] if it might be bloodily crushed, and might not end successfully.
WROCLAW SOLIDARITY UNDERGROUND
[Wladyslaw Frasyniuk is the elected chairman of Solidarity's Lower Silesia Region (Wroclaw), a member of Solidarity's National Commission, and chairman of the Lower Silesia Regional Strike Committee set up to coordinate actions during the state of war. He is also one of the four members of the Temporary Coordinating Commission formed April 22. He was interviewed as part of a series in Mazowsze Weekly, issue no. 13, May 12.]
Editor: After December 13 Solidarity in Wroclaw was rebuilt very quickly, and from the beginning has been functioning exceptionally well, particularly in [industrial] enterprises. How is Wroclaw Solidarity organized under the conditions of the state of war?
Wladyslaw Frasyniuk: Immediately upon the departure of the last ZOMO policeman from the workplace, workers began spontaneously to recreate union structures. Strike committees went underground, and their members appointed 'doubles' [i.e. their successors in case of arrest]. I know of places where not only the entire strike committees were arrested, but also the second and third tiers of the enterprise committees, created during the war, were arrested. So it is not surprising then that establishing contact between the Regional Strike Committee and enterprise committees has been difficult, and often took several weeks.
I do not know a single workplace where the pre-December enterprise committee survived intact--in the majority of factories and offices whole committees are in the camps and prisons. The rank-and-file members of Solidarity came to take the place of the arrested leaders. Maybe they are not the best organizers, but everybody knows what our goals are today. As in August, new people emerge.
Editor: And what is your role?
Wladyslaw Frasyniuk: People had organized strikes before my return from Gdansk [from a meeting of Solidarity's National Commission on December 12, at which time most of whose members were interned]. When we arrived in Wroclaw (the railroad workers warned us that the police were waiting at the station and stopped the train a few miles before the city), we saw flags and banners flying over the factories even though it was Sunday. They said: 'General Strike.' We went to the bus depot on Grabinska Street, where the strike center was located in August . There we established the Regional Strike Committee, which moved the same day--after the pacification of the depot--to the merged DOLMEL-PAFAWAG plant. When the strike there was crushed the night of December 13-14, those who managed to escape--Piotr Bednarz, Jozef Pinior, and myself--hid at various striking enterprises. My presence was psychologically important. I was with the people when DOLMEL, PAFAWAG, Hutmen, Fadroma, and FAT were being pacified. It was important that I behaved in the way expected of me, that I did not hesitate, that the elected representatives of Solidarity did not fail them. Later on, after the strikes were crushed, I succeeded in getting into some factories, to meet Solidarity activists, work out tactics of resistance with them, and re-establish contacts under the new conditions. If all of Wroclaw, including even small, unknown enterprises did not come to a halt in December, building Solidarity underground would have taken much longer.
Editor: How did the union reconstruct itself during the war?
Wladyslaw Frasyniuk: In the beginning the distribution [of the underground press] was most important. Today we also have other channels of information, and clandestine committees that direct the enterprises. The enterprise committees are comprised of representatives of various departments, or people from the best organized departments. There are also people responsible for the preparation of the future strike. Enterprise committees maintain channels of communication and make sure that all divisions of the enterprise, even those less well organized, are contacted. This is difficult because the management dutifully enforces the blockade between different departments (for example, if you leave your hall, you must sign a special register). Secret police try to infiltrate the factories. One can say that next to departments engaged in production there are whole 'police' units in the factories, which interrogate and intimidate the workers. Nevertheless, the communication network is functioning.
Inter-factory contacts are also being maintained, often established without the help of the Regional Strike Committee. People from nearby factories simply come to those enterprises that distinguished themselves during the strike.
Editor: What does Solidarity do within enterprises?
Wladyslaw Frasyniuk: People started by organizing aid for those targeted for repression and their families. Actions commemorating the date of the imposition of martial law [the thirteenth of each month], protests, and distribution of leaflets are being organized. The union press is being circulated. Large factories have their own printshops. The Regional Strike Committee newspaper, 'From Day To Day,' published twice a week, is mimeographed there. Some factories publish their own papers and bulletins (for example, DOLMEL publishes 'Odrodzenie' and PAFAWAG 'Jutrzenka'). There are places where Solidarity is so strong that nobody dares to tear down a union leaflet from a bulletin board. If someone surreptitiously does, new ones are immediately put up. There are places where the crews stood up and did not permit any dismissals. In one factory the workers had a great fight for keeping a cross up--which in the end was not taken down. In another, the director is unable to have a Solidarity Congress poster removed.
Editor: Why has the resistance in Wroclaw been--and why does it continue to be--stronger than elsewhere?
Wladyslaw Frasyniuk: Sixteen months of hard work is now paying its dividends. Wroclaw was probably better organized than other regions. Already in March 1981, following the Bydgoszcz crisis [when Solidarity threatened a general strike and the authorities prepared for a state of emergency], our Regional Commission issued instructions for enterprise committees in case of a state of emergency. They were also, in a slightly modified form, issued in the fall. We trained printers at individual enterprises, suspecting that we might have to print the union press in God knows what conditions. And, by the end of the year, we withdrew money from the bank--the famous 80 million zlotys. Thanks to the Workers' University, discussion clubs, training, and union publications, we have raised political consciousness to a high level. Besides, the Presidium of the Regional Commission had good contacts with factory crews, and there were good contacts between individual enterprises, and among various groups.
People from the universities, who in August were observing and describing the workers' protests, in December '81 took part in them. They were in the factories with us. Today, they do not merely supply us with expertise and political analyses, they do not merely serve us with their knowledge--many a professor or doctor work at mimeograph machines, and even teach workers how to run them.
From the beginning we have been cooperating with the students. They are devoted printers, deliverers, liaisons. Together with the workers they are creating 'Solidarity Discussion Clubs.' They organized the Academic Resistance Movement, which publishes a paper...
Editor: Is another August possible today?
Wladyslaw Frasyniuk: In August, manifesting our unity was enough. Today we must fight. Resistance in December was enormous. In some factories pacification was necessary twice (for example at FAT and FADROMA): people wanted to combat the ZOMO. I was calling then for non-violent resistance. Today, I think that the situation would look different if not only the Silesian miners decided to actively defend their workplaces. It might mobilize other regions to strike. It is possible that the authorities will retreat, that they will propose negotiations and decide to make concessions.
I am afraid how ever that if a sensible compromise is not reached, one has to take into account the possibility of a more or less violent explosion of society. One can not allow a situation in which one region or one enterprise is provoked to protest so that it might be easily crushed.
The creation of the Temporary Coordinating Commission is of enormous importance here. It will enable us to prepare organized resistance. A nationwide action that will sustain morale and integrate society, that will constitute the necessary preparation for a general strike, ought to be undertaken at least by the summer.
Editor: Aren't you afraid that December was just a beginning, that the worst is still before us, that society will become ever more exhausted and terrorized?
Wladyslaw Frasyniuk: No. Wroclaw is among the cities most repressed [by the authorities]. The number of people interned and arrested here is the highest in the country: 1,800 people. Several dozen people from each of the largest, best organized enterprises, were detained before May Day. Despite this, one can say that the results of repression are exactly the opposite of its intentions. The social basis for the authorities' [rule] is constantly shrinking, while the number of people willing to get involved in direct actions is increasing. I am not afraid that we will fail to maintain the high level of social mobilization in the long run. People are conscious that the struggle is being carried out not just in the name of ideals, but also for such a fundamental issue as the environmental well-being of the country and the health of its citizens. They have nothing to lose but their lives. And the belief that in this system this is a price for which one can win a better tomorrow, at least for our children, is becoming widespread.
LETTER TO RADIO FREE EUROPE
[The following are exerpts from a letter from Poland received by Radio Free Europe. 'Leopolita' is a pseudonym of an author who wrote for various independent publications through December 13th, when the state of war was imposed.]
Last night and again today, Radio Free Europe broadcast your discussion regarding a possible general strike, which is supposedly to be organized by Solidarity within the next few months in order to:
a) force the communists to repeal the state of war and begin negotiations with the Church and officials of Solidarity;
b) forestall and provide a channel for the inevitable and uncontrolled outburst of social anger.
Unfortunately, the reception was being disturbed by the 'BUZZ RADIO,' so I shall not refer to your remarks as I could have easily mis-heard or mis-interpreted something. Rather, I shall address myself directly to the substance of the issue.
Let us for a moment accept a premise that actually is arguable -namely that Solidarity is capable of organizing, leading and controlling the discipline of a general strike, nation wide, or even in several important regions. Let us assume further that the strike starts on the twelfth of October this year. I would like to hear an answer to this question: What will Poland look like the following Tuesday, that is, October 19th?
So far none of the advocates of proclaiming a general strike who are known to me [personally]--it so happens that I do not know many, but that may be an accident--none of them could give me an answer to this question. What is worse, I suspect that some of my interlocutors never bothered to think of it, for they looked at me with an aggressive amazement of people taken by surprise.
I return to the question, or, rather, begin an answer. Theoretically, there are four possibilities.
The first is a 'Napoleonic' one -that is, it adopts the adage attributed to the Emperor: 'On s'engage et puis on voit.' Translated into Polish, that means, more or less, 'Let's start the battle and later we shall see.'
The second answer goes approximately like this: on the 19th, the negotiations start. Our side is represented at the table by, let's say, Archbishop Dabrowski, Rev. Orszulik, Walesa, Modzelewski, Bujak and Frasyniuk. On the Communist side there are representatives of a new team, since the composition of the Politburo will have been changed, the CROW dissolved, and the state of war, at least formally, lifted.
The third answer: the strike is crushed by the ZOMO, the army and security forces--the last, isolated points of resistance are dying out. No one has yet counted the wounded and the dead. About one hundred thousand people have been locked up in the camps, this time really located in the sport stadiums. The settling of accounts with society only just begins -- under the slogan, naturally, of 'democracy, justice, agreement and social peace.'
The fourth answer: the intervention of the Warsaw Pact armies. I shall not comment on the second, third and fourth answer. About the first I shall only say this: Napoleon had the guns. [...]
I do realize that comments on my letter can be threefold: That the image implied in the text is not rosy. That I am a defeatist, or worse, a coward. That if not a general strike what else? The first statement is true. The second is irrelevant -the point being not what kind of a person I am, but whether the question I have posed is valid. What in the end is important, is the third issue: what is to be done next?
The point is, making the decision about a general strike releases us from pondering other problems. Programmatic thought disappears. What remains is the technique of action. The thought begins when we start to weigh actions other than the general strike for the foreseeable future, that is, for the next few months.
Please accept my expressions of sympathy and respect.
June 14, 1982
'THE NEED FOR FREEDOM OF SPEECH'
[The ninth issue of MAZOWSZE WEEKLY, dated April 6, 1982, published the following anonymous article concerning the growing underground press that has developed under the state of war.]
A year and a half of Solidarity has created such a great need for freedom of speech in Polish society, that--despite the internment of most of the journalists for the union's newspapers, and of most of their printers, and despite destruction of printing presses--within four months of the introduction of martial law, there is an unprecedented blossoming of the underground press. More than a hundred titles have gotten through to us, and this is certainly but a small portion of the output of the free-rolled or cylinder presses scattered all over the country. They come out more or less regularly, in small or larger editions. From Warsaw alone we received 20 to 30 newspapers. Several of these were published by factories (for example, the Ursus FSO car factory and the Warsaw foundry ZWAR-22). This would have been unheard of before August .
Relatively few underground bulletins reach us from small centers: Belchatow, Pila, Piotrokow Trybunalski, Biala Podlaska. Only after the Government TV News showed the requisitioned press did we find out that there was a union press in Tomaszow Mazowiecki. Undoubtedly, many more union and provincial papers exist, but they are distributed only on a local level.
A record number of titles are published by intellectual centers in Warsaw. Krakow is far behind, after that Poznan, Wroclaw, Lodz, and Gdansk (in January, the Shipyard renewed the release of 'Solidarity' in an edition of 60,000--the continuation of the 'Strike Bulletin' of August 1980.)
The first wartime bulletins began to appear right after December 13th: 'The Free Union Worker' at the Katowice Foundry; 'From Day to Day' at the Wroclaw RKS; and the 'Independent Information Service' in Gdansk. But December above all was the month of leaflets: hand- or typewritten information, replies, protests, and spontaneous poems and songs. Most of the newspapers appearing at the time were' short-lived. In the Mazowsze region, such titles as 'News,' 'Solidarity Information Bulletin' and 'Review of Current Events' survived the imposition of martial law and appear regularly even today. Typewritten titles are more and more scarce. Xerox, offset and other printing techniques are used more frequently.
The newspapers are almost always put out by non-professionals, and the editors remain anonymous (the Gdansk service signed by Bogdan Boruszewicz is an exception). In place of the logo juxtaposed to slogans--'The Crow will not vanquish the Eagle' or 'The Crow should go beyond the Don'--appear such captions as, 'The address of the editors is known only to the editors' or 'Edited by the Union, printed by the Union, distributed by the Union. United we shall win.' The editors write about their difficulties, appeal for paper, printing blocks and ink, and give thanks for money and food. In the opening article of the first edition of the paper 'Concrete,' we read: 'our unavoidable blunders occur because we have never before printed bulletins.' The editors of the Olsztyn 'Resonance' apologize to their readers for difficulties in reading the paper: there is only one press and it lacks the letter 'k', for which parentheses are substituted.
The first newspapers were simply signed, 'Members of Solidarity,' and their titles were commonly 'Information Bulletin' with the name of the region. Much later, papers put out in the name of union leaders appeared (for example, 'Lech'--the paper of the Regional Strike Committee in Pila). Finally, there were papers for a given milieu (for example, the teachers' paper, 'Here and Now,' the Krakow University paper, 'Free Thought,' and the 'Academic Weekly' published by the Warsaw NZS [Independent Student Association]), and publications of the Committees for Social Resistance, such as the Warsaw KOS. Recently, the first edition of the block committee paper 'Behind the Iron Gate' got through to us. Satirical newspapers appeared from the very first days of the war ('Earthworm,' 'Surreality,' 'Wasp,' 'Squawk'). By the beginning of January, even internees in the camps printed newspapers ('Beat'--Jaworze; 'Digest'--Strzembielinek; 'Through the World on Horseback'--Bialoleka; 'Information Service'--Lowicz; 'PAPuga TASSmanska' ['Tasmanian Parrot, where the acronyms PAP and TASS refer to the official press services of Poland and the Soviet Union, respectively]).
Most of the newspapers are brief (1 or 2 sheets), but monthlies are already being printed which publish collections of documents, briefs and analysis of the situation ('Facts ', 'News').
The first underground papers primarily published protests against the proclamation of martial law, legal documents concerning its illegality, letters from prisoners, and appeals for passive resistance, for refusal to work with the occupying forces, and for action for the benefit of Solidarity. There are also manuals for behavior under occupation. At first, these were primarily moral tenets; later there were directives for given groups and advice as to how to print them. Now they are mainly instruction manuals for how to behave under interrogation, what to do after being fired from work, and practical rules for conspirators ('The Art of Conspiracy').
GOING FOR A WALK
[From Gazeta Olsztynska, May 17, 1982]
Dismissals from work and expulsions from schools for participating in a so-called walk.
In the weekend edition of the Gazeta Olsztynska, concerning the May 13th events around the country, we reported that in the Olsztyn region 'normal work continued, and the streets were calm.' At 8 p.m. Thursday, when we were sending the above words to print, as it turned out, there was an attempt in Olsztyn to organize a so-called walk. Small groups began to gather near the 'Dukat' Department store. When a mass in the church on Copernicus Street ended, along with a show at the 'Polonia' Theatre, the number of people on the street grew to 2000.
A so-called walk was begun along Victory Street, near the investigative prison. However, even before reaching Copernicus Street, the already large group crossed the street heading toward City Hall....
According to the information given us by the Regional Defense Committee, People's Militiamen cut off the so called walk on Sklodowska-Curie Street, and checked the papers of the participants. Twenty two of the aggressively behaving people were detained. There were two high school students, five university students, twelve workers, one teacher, and two unemployed among them. Petitions to punish three of the detained were sent to the misdemeanor court in Olsztyn. The court, in accelerated proceedings punished these three with fines of 5000 zlotys, exchangeable in case of inability to collect for arrest. Two activists of Solidarity were interned on the basis of a decision of the Regional Militia Commander.
The Regional Defense Committee, during a meeting devoted to the evaluation of events that took place on May 13, issued instructions with regard to the treatment of participants in the so-called walk, who infringed the rules of the state of war that forbid organizing and participating in assemblies. RDC recommended that the two high school students and five university students be expelled, and the employees of socialized enterprises be dismissed. The detained teacher will be suspended; disciplinary proceedings will be undertaken against him, according to the Charter of Teachers.
Altogether 600 persons' papers were checked on May 13. In this group there were, among others, 10 grade school students, 123 high school students, 52 students, 200 persons who were not employed or engaged in study. RDC instructed [the police] to notify the parents and the schools of students about the ID checks during the so called walk. University authorities will receive letters listing the names of students. The managements of socialized enterprises will also be notified about the employees whose ID's were checked.
CHILDREN'S PAINTINGS OF THE STATE OF WAR
[From the June issue of the MALAPOLSKA (Krakow) BULLETIN]
Since December 13, 1981, artistic life in Krakow has come to a halt, due to the suspension of all art and cultural associations and the widespread boycott of any organized shows. For example, there have been no serious art exhibitions. Given the situation, the city's department of education decided to rescue the artistic prestige of the junta by attempting to manipulate the creativity of grade school children.
In the Palace of Arts, an enormous exhibit of children's paintings, titled 'Attention: The Children are Watching,' was opened. The organizers were counting on fairy-tale paintings and the so-called happy creativity of children. The results exceeded all expectations. The intractable children painted: police, truncheons, a man in dark eyeglasses, angels with machine guns attached to their backs in place of wings, tanks and strikes as well as a little child taking away a bone from a dog. It is said that the school inspector, in a highly educational move, called in the censors, who took down all the drawings that might demoralize adults. The exhibition, announced in the press, television, and radio, could not be canceled. Instead, it was possible to close it down sooner than its scheduled run.
Only the remarks written down in the guest book were left behind:
'The exhibit reminds me of Auschwitz; it shows that children are growing up prematurely. A tragedy in each picture. Let the truth be known to those who don't know it. Children don't lie.' 'Now children are judging the prominent.' 'A shocking document of our times: let's hope it will reach those who created this situation.'
'The best guidelines for the next Party Congress.' 'Solidarity exists and did not die.' 'To the organizers: Do you really think that a majority of children think the way you do and draw only such things?'
'Many different colors (provided they are black), lots of intended and unintended humor. I'm ashamed only that this is what the children see. In twenty years they will still live with psychological trauma.'
'Nothing to add, nothing to take away.' 'Three times yes.' 'And where is the censorship?' 'It would be best to intern all those children or to try them in summary proceedings. They think too much!' 'Thanks to the censorship for taking down only ten pictures.' 'This is not an exhibition, but rather a documentation of the year 1982.'
'Poland has not yet perished while Polish children....[a paraphrase of the Polish national anthem]' 'Long live King Mathew I [the hero of a famous children's book, written by Janusz Korczak]. "Give them power.'
'Mr. General, we invite you to this exhibit.' 'These children will form a much better society than the present one. Let us hope so.' 'It appears to be funny, but it is damn tragic.' 'We invite all free-thinkers, economists, and "saviors" of Poland to see this exhibit.' 'The fight for freedom started with the father's blood, with a curse on the son (Byron).'
WILL WE PROTECT OURSELVES AGAINST HATRED?
[The following letter appeared in MAZOWSZE WEEKLY, issue no. 9, April 4, 1982.
('Due to the controversial character, we treat the article [below] on the attitude of the Church as an opening of a debate. We realize that great hopes as well as social emotions are attached to the policy of the Church. We a wait dissenting voices.'--The Editors)
As always in the dramatic moments of our history, the Polish people, believers and non-believers alike, turn to the Church, a wait its voice, and seek its succor. Today, the churches are the sole public arena where truth reigns. It is there that the Bishops' letter of January 13th was read, the first to clearly, forcefully, and truthfully talk about what had been imposed on us in December. It is there that the Communique of the 183rd Episcopal Conference was read, which unequivocally described the conditions of social accord.
From the beginning of the war, the Church has engaged its whole authority and enormous material means to aid the persecuted. The Primate's Committee has provided care for thousands of internees and their families. Priests try to reach all the camps with pastoral services, a word of human good will and remembrance. For the first time since the creation of the communist system, it has been possible to force the authorities to recognize that the victims of political repression have a right to society's respect and proper care.
Why, then, are there so many people disappointed and embittered by the attitude of the Church? Why do the words of the Church's representatives--a waited so much by all of us--miss the focus of our thoughts, feelings and anxieties?
Polish society wanted to have a part in deciding its future. It wanted truth and freedom. And then, on December 13th, when we were faced with the choice: to defend those values or to surrender--we heard, in the Primate's sermon, together with the expressions of pain, that a calamity had occurred, and that one should resign oneself to it. We were told that we should not resist the force of might, that human life is the supreme value. How many thought then, that there are things more important than life, and that they learned those things from Christianity? Hundreds of workers stood in the factories to defend truth and dignity. Some paid with their lives.
The Church has condemned the practice of coerced declarations of loyalty, and asserted that they have no legal force. This, however, was accompanied by a statement that it is more difficult to live for the fatherland than to die for it. A question remains: how should one live? Which is more important: a sense of dignity or a job? Am I choosing a more difficult road, or am I rejecting the evangelical virtue of courage? When I refuse to sign, do I choose to remain faithful to the truth, or am I just making an easy gesture? This matter divides people; it engenders conflicts and tragedies. Why hasn't the Church, which takes a principled stand in matters as difficult as divorce and abortion, faced this issue unambiguously?
Every person, whether a servant of the cross or layman, has a right to his own political judgment. But doubts arise when this right is being abused--when very controversial opinions--like, for example, those concerning joining the Citizens' Committees for National Salvation [devices to create an impression of popular support for the junta]--are being conveyed to the faithful in a homily delivered during a Holy Mass broadcast on the radio.
The Church knows more than we do, it has [greater] access to information, it is guided by the welfare of the nation. We should have trust in it. It does much to make our lives more dignified. Perhaps its policy will induce the authorities to compromise. We should have trust in it. Many are saying this. But there are also Catholics who fear politics above the nation. We read in the Gospels: 'Let your speech be yea-yea, nay-nay.' This is not the speech of politics. Will politics save the society from hatred?
There are words and there are deeds. The deeds are more important. But words acquire exceptional import when the Church has become the sole publicly audible voice of the enslaved nation.
'Man's dignity requires that his actions be based on conscious and free choice, that is, as a[n autonomous] subject, motivated and directed by his inner self and not under the influence of blind inner drives or out right external coercion' (Constitution, Gaudum et Spes, Vol. II).
We are constantly being told not to let ourselves be overtaken with hatred. However, he who wishes to defend us from hatred must not forget that it is the authorities who drive us to it. People are being killed, tortured, sentenced to draconian prison terms, torn away from their families, fired from their jobs, hunted on the streets, searched, interrogated. We are surrounded by unbounded evil and injustice. Recalling our own weakness and errors, we are still not able to hear without bitterness about effacing the line between those who are being wronged and the wrongdoers. We turn to the Church in expectation that it will tell us what to do, how to defend ourselves. But we hear: do not let yourselves succumb to hatred.
This is not a sufficient answer. For 'where the power of the state oversteps its authority and oppresses its citizens, they should not refuse it such service as the common good objectively demands. But let them be allowed to defend their and their fellow citizens' rights against the abuse of power, within the limits set by the natural and evangelical law (Gaudum et Spes).'
When the Church warns against the use of force, it admonishes society rather than the authorities--assuming correctly, that the authority which rests on force alone cannot renounce it. But is the society--the workers and the young--able not to avail itself of force? The hunted leaders of Solidarity appeal firmly that the use of force be forsaken, because they know that it would bring about tragedy, futile casualties, and divisions in the society. Nevertheless, the authorities provoke the reactions of hatred, and--taught by bitter experience--we cannot exclude the possibility that it wishes to cause them. Despair faced with provocation may cause incalculable consequences, may make 'going to the forest' come true.
There is a fear that if the Church will continue to diverge from popular feelings--it won't be heard in the decisive moment. Precisely when its voice, calling for moderation, ought to find deference among the despondent and the despairing.
'WITH THE GOAL OF INTRODUCING ORDER'
[The following report was published in MAZOWSZE WEEKLY, issue no. 9, April 22, 1982.]
We have received the decision to terminate the investigation of the case concerning use of firearms by the militia who broke the strike at the coal mine, 'July Manifesto.'
We cite a fragment of the justification:
"The military prosecutor of the Garrison Prosecutor's Office in Gliwice, Colonel Roman Trydulski, having examined the records of the investigation of the strike begun December 15, 1981 at the coal mine 'July Manifesto' in Jastrzebie, in which the militia used firearms resulting in the infliction of bullet wounds to four miners, determined:
"1) based on article 280, para. 1, and article 11. para. 1, of the 'code of penal procedure in connection with article 225 of the penal code, to close the inquiry into the case, because the actions of the militia do not constitute a crime, since the use of firearms in the circumstances described in the investigation is characterized as action taken in self-defense, that is, action taken with the goal of resisting an unlawful and direct assault which seriously threatened the health and life of the militia functionaries who were acting within the law."
"The head of the Maneuver Regiment of the Provincial Command of the Militia in Katowice, Colonel Kazimierz Wolczynski, as the head of the entire operation to reinstate order at the 'July Manifesto' coal mine, acting on the orders of the Commander of the Provincial militia in Katowice, Jerzy Grubba, in view of the unsuccessful use of loudspeaker announcements calling for the strikers to leave the grounds of the mine, recommended taking action."
"A special platoon of the Maneuvers Regiment, 16 persons strong, entered partly through the gate and partly following a tank, which had destroyed the barricade at the mine."
"A critical situation arose, as the men of the special platoon were equipped only with attack truncheons for possible hand-to-hand combat, while the strikers were armed with various dangerous objects."
"A situation arose that threatened the men of the special platoon with encirclement and with cutting them off from the rest of the law-enforcement forces. An immediate threat of direct fighting arose, and in this situation the health and life of the few military police were threatened. In this state of affairs each man of the special platoon individually assessed the situation and individually decided on the use of firearms."
"...it came to the use of firearms by 14 functionaries of the special platoon, each of whom fired at least one round from the P-63 machine guns. They shot a total of 71 shells."
"Without a doubt some of those using firearms had to shoot in the direction of the running miners--as the bullet wounds received show. It could not be determined beyond a reasonable doubt whether the militia warned the miners that they would use firearms before they started shooting. It is true that they assert that they shouted warnings that they were about to shoot; however, it is possible that the shouts were not heard because of the noise and because the functionaries wore gas masks. Nevertheless, the very sight of raised guns directed at the crowd of strikers is in itself a sort of warning as to the possibility of their use, and it was to no avail. In the course of the investigation it could not be determined from what distance the shots were fired at the strikers. The depositions in this matter ranged from 4 to 6 meters to 20 to 30 meters. However, in examining the dynamics of the events, given their speed and spontaneity, even thirty meters is a dangerous distance in the case of such a large crowd. As a result of the use of arms by the functionaries of the special platoon in the above-described situation, wounds were inflicted on:
* Bronislaw Tomaszewski--a bullet wound in the rib cage, entering the abdomen, tearing the left lung, the left diaphragm, the left lobe of the spleen and the liver;
* Franciszek Gasiorowski--bullet wound in the right shoulder;
* Zdzislaw Klaszewski--bullet wound in the area of the left knee and thigh;
* Czeslaw Klosek--bullet wound of the neck, entering the chin;"
"In addition, 6 persons were hospitalized or treated at the Miners Hospital in Jastrzebie Zdroj who did not receive bullet wounds but other wounds incurred in the course of the above-described events at the 'July Manifesto' mine. These were the citizens Stanislaw Maskiewicz, Andrzej Bogacz, Henryk Bajda, Franciszek Matuszczak, Czeslaw Deren, Piotr Jozyk. During the course of the investigation it could not be personally determined which of the functionaries of the special platoon -using firearms--caused the concrete wounds of those wounded. For on that critical day when the special platoon was called to action in the Jastrzebie Region, they collected the P-63 guns as fast as possible in order to be combat ready quickly. It was for this reason that it could not be determined which of the functionaries used which specific gun at the time of the action."
At the same time, the Prosecutor's Office dropped the investigation in the case of the striking miners at the 'July Manifesto' mine regarding their assault on the Militia functionaries, because the perpetrators could not be identified. We read in the report:
"The law enforcement forces of the Militia acted within the law in carrying out the orders of the Provincial Commander of the Militia in Katowice. They acted with the aim of establishing order and enforcing the law that prohibits strikes."
NOTHING TO CROW ABOUT
The underground 'Solidarity' press occasionally publishes brief items reporting on the often bizarre ideas implemented by the military commissars. These are published under the common title: 'WRONA--POMYSLY--ZACHOWANIA--OBYCZAJ or 'THE CROW: ITS BRAINSTORMS, BEHAVIOR, AND HABITS.'
The following items have been selected from "Informacja 'Solidarnosci'" (INFORMATION FROM SOLIDARITY, referred to here as INFOSOL).
* Military and police patrols in Silesia check the documents of people waiting in line to buy food during regular working hours. The ID's are stamped. The next day, ID's are checked by the management of the employee's enterprise--the 'stampees' are fired. [INFOSOL #19]
* ATTENTION: FAKE PRIESTS. We received information from Church sources that one of the clothing factories in Warsaw received an order from the Ministry of Internal Affairs to make 200 cassocks. Secret police agents dress as priests in order to infiltrate the population, and also to ridicule the clergy. Luckily, the fake priests are incapable of hiding their police manners, so they're easy to spot. [INFOSOL #23, February 9]
* Security police in Plock are busy studying the hand writing of school students. The police demanded that the schools submit student essays. It seems that the police Sherlock Holmes deduced from the style and syntax of some hand-written leaflets that the authors were of tender age. [INFOSOL #25, February 16, 1982]
* The provident CROW, fearing guerrilla war, decided to close access to the woods. Village elders are told to announce that entering a forest is forbidden. The State Forest Administration is printing appropriate warning signs. [INFOSOL #28, February 26, 1982]
* The profiteering CROW: In the Polcolor factory the Crow's social commission distributed 15,000 jars of mayonnaise to the crew, at a price of 25 zlotys each (regular retail price is 23 zl. a jar). The difference, i.e. 30,000 zl. was supposed to cover the cost of transporting mayonnaise from Piaseczno to the factory, a distance of 1 mile. The organizers of this 'action' were already standing in line to pick up their 'remuneration,' when the management stopped the payments. It is unclear whether the 'social commission' feared losing face, or got scared of the consequences. [INFOSOL #37, March 30, 1982]
* The CROW against the 'skylarks:' From the speech of W. Loranc, President of the State Committee of Radio and TV, at a meeting with journalists: 'We cannot let ourselves believe that interned persons had good intentions. Like skylarks, they will tweet about their good intentions, but those 40,000 Solidarity activists constitute a political lair. We must not allow them to return like heroes. Their heads must be bowed.' [MAZOWEEK #10, April 21, 1982]
* The CROW guards the Red Star: A special guard was organized at the Warsaw Steelworks to protect the Red Star emblem, which was 'desecrated' several times after December 13th. The star is now illuminated with searchlights, and armed soldiers guard it around the clock. [MAZOWEEK #10]