Poland, 1982, September, Committee in Support of Solidarity Report No. 6

Committee in Support of Solidarity Reports
Issue No. 6
September 6, 1982

IN THIS ISSUE

The August Demonstrations page 1

Reports on the nationwide protests August 31 and throughout August

A Call for Demonstrations page 4

Underground Solidarity leader Bujak appeals for participation in the August 31 demonstrations.

Michnik Appeals for International Protest of Show Trials page 6

On the day he and six other KOR members were charged with offenses against the state, Michnik appeals to the international community in an open letter.

Temporary Coordinating Commission Appeals for Demonstrations page 8

An appeal for the anniversary of August 1980 asks Solidarity members to make sure that "our union will be especially visible."

Five Times 'No' page 10

The Temporary Coordinating Commission (TKK) rejects the specious gestures of General Jaruzelski.

Five Times 'Yes' page 11

The TKK's declaration of struggle

The Underground Society page 12

The TKK proposes its program of Solidarity under the state of war: to build the union and society underground to prepare for long-term resistance.

Before the Labor Court page 15

Two employees are dismissed from the Supreme Court of Poland for union activity; but the court's chairman violated the Labor Code.

Is Another August Possible? page 17

Mazowsze Weekly interviews Solidarity leader underground Bogdan Lis from Gdansk.

These items are the most recent that the Committee in Support of Solidarity has published through the date of this report.

For back reports, contact the Committee, specifying dates, titles, or subjects if possible.

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The Committee in Support of Solidarity, based in New York, organizes efforts on behalf of the Solidarity movement in Poland and for general human rights for the Polish people.

One of the Committee's most important activities is to report information about the situation in Poland, which is gathered from underground Solidarity publications in Poland; the official Polish press; interviews with Polish citizens and foreign travelers who have been allowed to leave Poland; and Solidarity sources in Poland and in Europe.

The Committee in Support of Solidarity makes this information available in regular reports appearing weekly or biweekly, including press advisories and Polish-language bulletins; in editions of a quarterly journal, the Solidarnosc Bulletin; and in special reports describing and analyzing different aspects of the situation in Poland.

The Committee also:

* provides spokesmen to the press, television, and radio, and to meetings and seminars of colleges, unions, and community groups;

* maintains lists of the interned and arrested in Poland;

* advises humanitarian organizations on aiding the Polish people;

* advises private and official human rights organizations about the situation in Poland;

* prepares and delivers briefs and other testimony on the situation in Poland to the government and the Congress of the United States and to international bodies and private institutions;

* maintains public attention on the Polish situation through the sales of "Solidarnosc" T-shirts, stickers, and posters.

To get in touch with the Committee in Support of Solidarity about helping in its work, or with questions, information, or donations, please write:

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or telephone (212) 989-0909. The press can call (212) 929-6966.

page 1

THE AUGUST DEMONSTRATIONS

[On August 31 as well as throughout the month of August, nationwide demonstrations in Poland were organized to manifest opposition to the state of war regime and support for the Solidarity movement. They took place in spite of repeated threats to use force by the state of war regime, an unprecedented campaign of intimidation, and the deployment beforehand of about 25,000 ZOMO riot police and other police and army detachments. The protest actions were called by the Temporary Coordinating Commission (TKK) in appeals issued on July 28. The following accounts of the demonstrations in August have been compiled from Western press sources and the official Polish media. Accounts from the underground Solidarity press will be published in subsequent issues of the REPORTS as they become available.]

AUGUST 31

In at least fifty-four cities throughout Poland, Solidarity supporters demonstrated despite the deployment beforehand of ZOMO riot police detachments armed with water cannons, concussion grenades, tear gas and truncheons. Government press spokesman Jerzy Urban admitted that the demonstrators numbered at least one-hundred thousand, but the number appears much higher. The demonstrations were by far the largest since the imposition of martial law on December 13, 1981.

Ten thousand workers, students, and other supporters of Solidarity gathered in Gdansk and near that number at various points in Warsaw. Within minutes of gathering, the ZOMO detachments attacked the demonstrators and street battles followed, which lasted well past midnight in Gdansk.

In Gdansk, two to three thousand workers coming off their shifts at the Lenin Shipyards gathered around the monument to workers slain in the 1970 workers' protests. The number grew although the ZOMO had surrounded the area. Thousands of demonstrators marching toward the monument were blocked off from joining the shipyard workers. The ZOMO used similar tactics in Warsaw to block off demonstrators who had gathered at different points. The ZOMO then attacked.

Although the government issued statements that the demonstrators were mostly "young hooligans," the film footage shown on Polish television and distributed to the Western media showed clearly that the bulk of the demonstrators were workers. Most of the fifty-four cities where demonstrations took place are industrial centers or cities built around one or two industrial enterprises, such as Nowa Huta, Swidnik, and Lubin.

The authorities have admitted at least five deaths as a result of the ZOMO's attacks on demonstrators: two in the copper-mining town of Lubin in southwest Poland (population 45,000) and two in Wroclaw, also in southwest Poland, after the police opened fire on the demonstrators; and one in Gdansk who died from police beatings. The number of wounded are unknown. Riots ensued in Lubin for at least three days resulting in numerous casualties. Two government buildings were burned.

The government reported that 4,053 people were arrested and the Military Council for National Salvation ordered the next day that they be summarily tried and sentenced. [Sentences for participating in past demonstrations are often up to three years.] An additional estimated 4,000 had been arrested during the month of August.

Following the demonstrations, the government brought charges against seven members of the Workers Defense Committee, formed in 1976 to help aid workers repressed after the 1976 workers' protests and dissolved by its members at the Solidarity National Congress last year. They are being charged with making preparations for and trying to organize changes in the political system of the Peoples Republic of Poland. Two of those charged, Jan Jozef Lipski [see Committee in Support of Solidarity REPORTS Issue no. 3] and Miroslaw Chojecki [the director of the Independent Publishing House NOWA] are now abroad. The others are Adam Michnik and Jacek Kuron, activists in the democratic opposition of the 1960s and 70s, Jan Litynski, a mathematician and editor of the independent newspaper Robotnik [Worker] founded in 1977; Henryk Wujec, an elected official of Warsaw Solidarity and also a vice editor of Robotnik; and Zbigniew Romaszewski, an elected leader of Warsaw Solidarity and a member of the Regional Executive Commission set up in Warsaw after the state of war [See Committee in Support of Solidarity REPORTS no. 5]. [Robotnik was an independent paper which wrote about workers' rights guaranteed under international agreements and forms of worker organization.] The charges continue a campaign by the regime to blame the broad resistance to the state of war on a group of advisors and activists of Solidarity, most of whom have been interned since December 13.

August 1

Ten thousand people gathered in Warsaw to mark the anniversary of the Warsaw uprising during World War II. Solidarity banners were openly displayed and demonstrators chanted Solidarity slogans and held their hands aloft in the sign of victory. A recorded appeal of Zbigniew Bujak was played in which he urged the continued struggle for Solidarity and against the state of war.

August 12

In Szczecin, a funeral for the son and daughter-in-law of the region's Solidarity leader, Marian Jurczyk, resulted in a large demonstration for Solidarity. Approximately one thousand attending, including Jurczyk, who had been released from internment to attend the funeral, marched through the streets of Szczecin and were dispersed by police.

August 13

In the monthly observance of the day on which the state of war was imposed, December 13, ten thousand demonstrated in Gdansk, 4,000 in Krakow, and in other cities. Riot police dispersed the crowds with water cannons and tear gas.

One thousand gathered in Warsaw in Victory Square, one of the symbolic areas of resistance, to lay a forty foot wreath where the Primate Cardinal Wyszynski lay in state one year ago. The laying of flowers at the site has become a daily exercise, in which people sing the national anthem and chant Solidarity slogans. Three hundred riot police moved in on this day to disperse the crowd, however many returned later to continue the ceremony.

August 14

Sixty internees at the Kwidzyn internment prison were beaten by guards and ZOMO police following a protest there.

August 15

The Polish Primate, Jozef Glemp, addressed over 120,000 pilgrims at the Jasna Gora monastery, asserting that the right to organize is a fundamental human right that cannot be taken away. He urged a new dialogue between the government, the Church, and Solidarity.

August 16

At Victory Square in Warsaw, three hundred continued to lay wreaths and chant Solidarity slogans.

August 17

A demonstration takes place outside a diplomatic reception and is dispersed by riot police. The demonstrators gather around Victory Square to continue the daily ceremony.

August 20

The authorities seal off Victory Square with a six foot high fence under the pretext of renovating the area. Bus shelters are removed from streets to prevent their use by demonstrators trying to protect themselves from water cannons.

August 21

Hundreds of people are dispersed by riot police after gathering at St. Anne's Church and the Church of the Sisters of Visitation to lay wreaths there as an alternative to Victory Square. The following day, the demonstrators continued the daily ceremony; ZOMO police looked on.

August 26

Primate Glemp, at the pilgrimage marking the 600th anniversary of the Black Madonna of Czestochowa, where over 350,000 gathered, demands that the authorities release those interned and sentenced, rescind martial law, and reinstitute Solidarity. The demands are the same as those issued by Solidarity leaders underground.

page 4

A CALL FOR DEMONSTRATIONS

[The following statement was issued by Zbigniew Bujak in Mazowsze Weekly, August 18, 1982.]

Before the decision was taken by the TKK (Temporary Coordinating Commission) to organize a demonstration on August 31, we considered what were the best tactics to use. Our experience to date indicates that the most effective ones are those that the other side really fears and which they cannot hide from the general public. It would appear that short strikes are ineffective in that they are easy to conceal. After having been processed at successive stages, information about strikes is totally falsified; the number given by official sources is far lower than what has actually occurred.

However public manifestations are clearly visible and the authorities are afraid of them. In such cases the ZOMO (riot police) and militia are outnumbered by the protesters--provided that the participants are not overcome by fear. This is clear from the events in Wroclaw on June 13--the demonstrators stopped being afraid and the ZOMO could not cope. They were then faced with a very difficult choice: they would have had to open fire, but since they rule "in the people's interest," they were scared to shoot. If, however, they will not have such scruples on August 31, we are aware that the TKK's decision may result in casualties. Demonstrations do take place anyway and they are met with force. However, spontaneous protests are worse than organized and directed ones which take place across the whole country thereby forcing the authorities to spread themselves too thin.

The lessons from the commemoration of August 1980 will have a profound impact on our future strategy. The effects certainly will not be immediately apparent. Nothing will change in a significant way after this manifestation. But if August were to pass by uneventfully, this would indicate to the authorities that our union and the society are very weak and broken. Then Solidarity would be delegalized and, once this happened, in our opinion, it would be impossible to reverse such a decision. In the event that protests occur, the authorities would be prepared to shoot and use violent means to defend their decision. Solidarity would be consigned to the history books and possibly exist as an underground movement. It would not be able to come out into the open and operate as it should. Even the best organized underground movement cannot be compared with the possibilities available to a normally functioning union.

If the people can show that they are not afraid, that they can resist any efforts to break up the demonstrations and organize themselves, then I suspect that the policy of strong pressure on the authorities will be continued. Within a relatively short time this should force them to enter into negotiations with the Church and Solidarity. In such a situation it is obvious that the underground will not represent our union--we think they will begin talks with Lech Walesa. Then our task will be to continue with strong pressure. If, however, the authorities managed to cope with the August manifestations, this would indicate that we could not continue with such pressure, that we will have to give up mass protests and concentrate on small things. We could only proceed with a policy of long-term resistance.

This August, public sentiment changed sharply. All the factory representatives with whom we spoke were in favor of demonstrations and seconded people to help with their preparations.

The impact of the protest and how it will be organized will be shown by our ability to finish it as planned at 6:00 p.m. and to avoid scattered clashes. This will be very difficult and will obviously depend upon which tactics will be employed by the authorities. If they decide to attack small groups of dispersed protesters, then clashes will be unavoidable. We will try to prevent them but I do not know if our measures will work. There is absolutely no doubt that the army will be used, that they will surround central points. The authorities will make every effort to block all access and not to allow any concentrations of people.

A lot will depend upon the way in which the protesters organize themselves. They will decide how events proceed. The only thing that we can do--and we must--is to prepare such groups of people, such precautions, which we can bring into action depending upon how the situation develops. We must be ready for a very fast response, to have the possibility of preparing extra instructions before and during demonstrations.

All this has been prepared, but will it work? Will it be successful? A great question mark hangs over this; it is very risky. The manifestation indicates our choice of a firm, determined defence of the union. I think that all those who joined Solidarity had to be aware of the fact that for an independent union, for a strong union, for such a large union, a long and difficult battle would have to be fought.

Zbigniew Bujak

page 6

MICHNIK APPEALS FOR INTERNATIONAL PROTEST OF SHOW TRIALS

[Adam Michnik wrote the following open letter to the international community on September 2, 1982, in response to the impending charges and trials against members of KOR, the Workers Defense Committee, formed in 1976 and formally dissolved by its members one year ago at the Solidarity National Congress.

The day he wrote the letter, it was officially announced that charges were being brought against seven KOR members, including Adam Michnik and Jacek Kuron, both activists in the democratic opposition movement of the 1960s and 1970s. Others charged include: Jan Litynski, a mathematician and editor of the independent publication Robotnik, which wrote about workers' rights guaranteed in international agreements; Henryk Wujec, an elected leader of Warsaw Solidarity and also an editor of Robotnik; Zbigniew Romaszewski, a Warsaw Solidarity leader and a member of the Regional Executive Commission established after the state of war, arrested on August 31 while participating in the demonstrations that day; Jan Jozef Lipski, an elected official of Warsaw Solidarity and already charged with having participated in the strike at the Ursus factory on December 19, currently undergoing medical treatment in London; and Miroslaw Chojecki, also currently abroad and formerly the director of the Independent Publishing House NOWA. The seven were charged with having made preparations for changing the political system of the Polish People's Republic and having carried out actions to do the same. The charges could result in the maximum sentence of the death penalty.

KOR was established to aid workers and their families repressed after the protests in 1976 in Radom and Ursus and also to provide legal help for those charged with taking part in the protests. The activities of KOR later included the broader defense of human and workers' rights and its name changed to the Committee for Social Self-Defense. In 1981, it dissolved because its activities had been taken over with the rise of Solidarity.]

On August 31, mass demonstrations took place in many cities throughout Poland. They were called by the Temporary Coordinating Commission of the Independent Trade Union Solidarity (TKK). Their aim was to support the demand that the state of war be lifted and that social peace be restored in Poland through negotiations between the government and the Polish workers represented by the Independent Trade Union Solidarity.

On September 1, a meeting took place of the Military Council for National Salvation (WRON), headed by General Wojciech Jaruzelski. The subsequent communique published by WRON states as follows:

"These demonstrations are organized and conducted by radical activists and ideologists of the anti-socialist opposition, in particular, the Workers' Defense Committee, KOR. There is proof to this effect. The Military Council for National Salvation asks the Attorney General and the Minister of Internal Affairs of the Polish People's Republic to take steps leading to the speediest possible conclusion of the investigation under way against the leaders of KOR and to charge them with offences committed against the state and society." (Trybunu Ludu--September 2)

On September 2, Jacek Kuron, interned in Bialoleka Prison was transferred to the Military Prosecutor's Headquarters. His status was changed to that of an arrested person, indicating that a speedy political trial is being prepared. One may surmise that this trial will not be an ordinary criminal one. In a normal trial, generals do not evaluate the evidence and decide what can only be the province of an independent court. Everything points to the conclusion that the trial will be an illegal farce in the style of the Kirov murder trial or of Dimitrov's trial for setting the Reichstag on fire.

KOR is an institution that ceased to exist one year ago. And despite my unquestionable sympathy with it, I must say that WRON's audacious claim that the August 31 demonstrations were organized by KOR members interned since December 13, 1981 is somewhat farfetched praise for their abilities. The absurdity of the charge leaves no doubt as to the significance of the whole enterprise. No one can have confidence in an exhibition of justice that functions according to the dictates of generals wielding power.

I write these words not only because Jacek Kuron is my friend. Nor from fear that I myself will soon be charged by the state. I write this in the conviction that the truth is undeniable and that we, General Jaruzelski's prisoners, also have a right to the truth.

I thus appeal for help to all people of good will. At the same time, I take the liberty of reminding the chancellors of Austria and West Germany, who find in their hearts so much understanding for our general, that even the communist Dimitrov was tried by the Nazi courts in the presence of international observers.

I wish to be clearly understood. I want to express my full Solidarity with the leadership of Solidarity which called for peaceful demonstrations on August 31, and my solidarity with the workers who went out onto the streets on that day to appeal for a social agreement. The victims of violence will, I am convinced, one day have monuments built in their memory and the streets of Polish cities will bear their names.

I turn to you because I can not and will not accept that the law, the truth, and the right to the truth be blatantly trampled upon. Hence my request: Do everything in your power to ensure that this trial is open and that observers and lawyers from democratic countries be admitted.

I appeal to your conscience. Currently Jacek Kuron and Zbigniew Romaszewski are awaiting trials. Who will be next?

Adam Michnik,
Bialoleka Prison

page 8

TEMPORARY COORDINATING COMMISSION APPEALS FOR DEMONSTRATIONS

[On July 28, the Temporary Coordinating Commission of Solidarity (TKK) issued the following appeals, the most important a call to mark the second anniversary of the August 1980 strikes, leading to the signing of the historic Gdansk Accords between the Inter factory Strike Committee led by Lech Walesa and the government on August 31. The communiques followed the speech of General Wojciech Jaruzelski, in which he declared that martial law would be continued and declined to make any significant gestures towards Solidarity. The previous month, the TKK had issued an appeal not to demonstrate or organize protest actions during the month of July to allow the martial law regime a chance to begin negotiations with Solidarity, end martial law, and release those interned and sentenced.

The appeals from the TKK were responded to immediately and demonstrations were held throughout the month of August, culminating in the widespread nationwide demonstration August 31.

In addition to the appeal to mark the August anniversaries, the TKK issued a communique on its response to the speech of Jaruzelski as well as its program to build an underground society that would serve to resist in a long-term strategy to pressure the communist-military regime. It is the first such program for action issued by the national underground leadership.]

AN APPEAL ON THE ANNIVERSARY OF AUGUST 1980

Two years will have passed on August 31 since the Inter-factory Strike Committee of the Gdansk Shipyard signed an agreement with representatives of the government of the Polish People's Republic. The agreement, which demonstrated the possibility of a dialogue between the authorities and society, raised hopes that it would be the basis for the resolution of Poland's problems. Although those hopes collapsed in December, and although the authorities on July 22 once again rejected the idea of a social compact, on August 31, Solidarity's holiday, we will demonstrate that the union continues in its resolve to fight for an accord.

On August 16, two years shall have passed since the Inter-factory Strike Committee with Lech Walesa was formed in Gdansk; that was when Solidarity was born. From August 16 to August 31 our union will be especially visible. We appeal for the intensification of postering and leafleting. We call upon union members to organize peaceful street demonstrations on August 31, 1982, under the slogans of reinstating Solidarity; freeing those interned, arrested and sentenced; and demanding a national accord. We call upon everyone to participate in these demonstrations.

Zbigniew Bujak, Mazowsze Region

Wladyslaw Frasyniuk, Lower Silesia Region

Wladyslaw Hardek, Malopolska Region

Bogdan Lis, Gdansk Region

Eugeniusz Szumiejko, Member of the Presidium of the National Commission

COMMUNIQUE

Recognizing the situation of the workers of WSK-Swidnik, who were dismissed due to union activities, the Temporary Coordinating Commission is awarding them a part of the funds remaining at its disposal. This assistance is necessary. The city has only one industrial plant; about 200 unemployed have been unable to find work for many weeks.

The Temporary Coordinating Commission appeals to the members of Solidarity, to all people of good will, to the Church, and to charitable institutions to organize collections and to relay gifts and contributions for the unemployed of Swidnik. We ask that the help be conveyed to the regions represented in the Temporary Coordinating Commisssion or directly to Swidnik.

TO THOSE SENTENCED, ARRESTED OR INTERNED FOR SOCIAL ACTIVITIES

You have paid a high price for your loyalty to Solidarity's ideals and for your will to fight for freedom and social justice in our country. We know that punishment, harassment, and repression are unable to destroy your faith in our victory. And although we are separated by prison walls and barbed wire, we are united by a common struggle, by the same goals, and by our SOLIDARITY.

You are models of courage and dignity for us all. We will not be less diligent in the fight for your freedom and ours.

PERSEVERE!

page 10

FIVE TIMES 'NO'

The July session of the Diet is yet another proof that the authorities reject cooperation with society.

Firstly, not only was the state of war not abolished, but it was announced that it would be continued indefinitely.

Secondly, none of the over two thousand people who had been sentenced were freed, nor had all of those who had been interned; some of them--including women--received a so-called temporary release, enjoining them to return to their centers of confinement. Neither were the chairman of Solidarity, Lech Walesa, nor the leadership of the union released.

Thirdly, no conditions for the reinstatement of Solidarity have been formulated, and moreover the resolution of the problem posed by the union movement has been postponed until sometime in the future, a resolution in which the authorities see no place for Solidarity.

Fourthly, no principles for genuine national accord were proposed. Instead, new bodies at the disposal of the authorities have been called into existence, such as The Patriotic Movement for National Salvation and the Social Coordinating Committee for Union Affairs.

Fifthly, no concrete plans for the implementation of economic reforms have been presented, while at the same time, Polish society is expected to continue to work slavishly and accept responsibility for the fate of the country.

These five "no's" are taking away from society any hope for political and economic change in Poland. The further widening gap created between the rulers and the ruled will dramatically lessen the chances for solving the crisis.

July 28, 1982

Zbigniew Bujak, Mazowsze Region

Wladyslaw Frasyniuk, Lower Silesia Region

Wladyslaw Hardek, Malopolska Region

Bogdan Lis, Gdansk Region

Eugeniusz Szumiejko, Member of the Presidium of the National Commission

page 11

FIVE TIMES 'YES'

[The following was issued on July 9, 1982 by the Temporary Coordinating Commission and reprinted in the Mazowsze Weekly.]

First: We fight to free the interned union activists on all levels, including Lech Walesa; for a declaration of amnesty for persons convicted of union activity after December 13th, 1981; for the cessation of prosecution of other persons accused of such activity; for the reinstatement of people dismissed from their jobs for membership in Solidarity and for union activity; for compensation for moral and material damages to be given to the victims of the state of war and their families.

Second: We strive to have the authorities recognize the legality of Solidarity and of other trade unions, so that they may continue their statutory activity guaranteed by the Polish Constitution, international conventions and by the Gdansk, Szczecin and Jastrzebie agreements [of August-September 1980.]

Controversial matters must be solved through agreements with the statutory leadership of Solidarity; the conditions of such settlements should not impinge on the independence of the union.

Third: We are convinced that a genuine national accord requires stopping once and for all the stream of mutual accusations. History teaches us that the Polish workers need an independent and self-governing representation of its group interests. The times of the state of war indicate that Solidarity remains such a representation for its members. We do not wish to become a government or a political party. We want to be an independent and self-governing union movement. It is imperative that a new chapter of our country's history be started.

Fourth: We aim for the introduction in Poland of principles of national accord. By this we mean guarantees that the appropriate mechanisms be established for the resolution of conflicts between the economic and social interests of workers and their families associated in Solidarity, the interests of other groups, and the interests of the whole nation. [Such resolution must come] through negotiations, arbitration, and cooperation on the enterprise, regional, and national level in order to reduce to a minimum the necessity of strikes.

We regard the draft of the Trade Union law, in the version agreed to with the representatives of all unions (drafted in 1981] to have a major role in providing such guarantees.

Fifth: We aim to construct the guarantees of an agreement in the future. We shall support all initiatives of the authorities that lead to the restoration of legality, and to creation of a different, just, and honest system of state administration. We are ready to participate in all organs that insure contacts between the representatives of the interests of various social groups and the authorities, provided they will have clearly defined powers and procedures.

Zbigniew Bujak, Mazowsze Region

Wladyslaw Frasyniuk, Lower Silesia Region

Bogdan Lis, Gdansk Region

page 12

THE UNDERGROUND SOCIETY

The preliminary theses for the program of the Temporary Coordinating Commission of Solidarity

The Temporary Coordinating Commission is submitting for broad social discussion its preliminary theses in the declaration entitled "Underground Society."

The experience of eight months under the state of war teach us that the struggle for our goals requires the universal participation of society, conscious of its inalienable rights and organized for long-term action. The authorities' war on the Polish people continues. Only their tactics change. Today they formally struggle against Solidarity. In fact, however, by questioning the August agreements (the Gdansk Accords] they are striking at the fundamental interests of society. Under the guise of the state of war they are liquidating the independence of our organization, won in August, at the same time the Sejm (Parliament], which is at their disposal, is passing laws that take away all that we gained before December. Society has been deprived of the possibility of independent activity and the active shaping of political life. The authorities aim to create a legal-political order in which any kind of independent social activity will be impossible. All decisions and promises by the authorities seek only to gain time. The authorities expect that society, tired by struggling for its survival and deprived of hope, will give up its program of reforms and accept the loss of autonomy.

Consequently the Temporary Coordinating Commission has assumed the position that only a social contract will make it possible for Poland to emerge from the present crisis. Proposals for such a contract have already been presented by the union, the Church, and various social groups. The authorities' response was complete silence. The authorities require only peace, or rather obedience and work under conditions of waste and exploitation.

Our goal is to build an autonomous society--a self-governing Republic--in accordance with the program accepted at the First National Congress of Solidarity (in September-October 1981]. In the present situation we can achieve this goal only through an underground society.

The Temporary Coordinating Commission is calling for the organization of a universal resistance movement and the creation of an underground society. This movement is a reflection of social attitudes, life, and activities. All groups and localities, the city and the village, constitute the basic conditions of the movements' strength, making it impossible for the authorities to create and maintain divisions that antagonize society. The underground resistance movement must lessen the individual's feeling of isolation, must teach collective action, strengthen the awareness that only through organizing ourselves and through self-initiative can we reach our goals. It must show society the strength which flourishes within.

The underground society should above all:

a) make impossible the authorities' attempts to divide society.

b) develop the capabilities of self-organization and self-defense.

c) raise the level of political culture and prepare society for life in a democratic Poland.

This underground movement of society will be created by organized groups in factories, professional groups, in settlements, and among circles of friends. The character, scope, and form of activities of each group will depend on realistic possibilities.

Special attention should be paid to youth; as the most uncompromising and self-sacrificing group by nature, the weight of organizing various kinds of resistance rests and continues to rest upon them. Mass participation of youth in the underground movement will portend victory.

Every participant should be able to find it possible to act within the framework of the underground society. There is room for everyone who accepts our program. In the underground movement there is no distinction between small and great matters. What counts is the sum total of attitudes and activities attesting to the independence of thought, a readiness to organize, and the willingness to bring help to those who require it. What counts are the consequences, perseverance and courage in the struggle when it becomes necessary.

We propose the following basic set of activities for the underground movement:

a) The organization of self-help for those repressed, for those who have lost their jobs and are living in need, for the sick and for others requiring material and moral support.

b) The organization of independent circulation of information, including publishing, distribution, the production of leaflets, and exposing the aims of the authorities' propaganda.

c) The organization of learning and self-education: independent instruction and an independent teaching movement; courses in continuing education; workers' universities; discussion clubs; academic publications; the instruction of the movement's organizers and activists; stipends and support for students, teachers and authors who are studying; the establishment of social foundations, etc.

d) The organization of actions demonstrating society's resistance: anniversary celebrations, posters, leaflets, participation in protests proclaimed by regional decision-making bodies or by the Temporary Coordinating Commission.

e) The organization of economic activities (cooperatives, workshops, and influencing economic pressures).

The underground society fights against front organizations set up by the authorities, organizes boycotts of official propaganda and of meetings, discussions and undertakings with a political or propaganda character. It opposes collaboration. The underground society acts on behalf of developing national culture, while at the same time it must oppose the authorities' aspiration of one-sided exploitation and treatment of people as instruments. Special responsibility rests then upon literary, journalistic, and academic centers; the borders for which collaboration and activity opposed to the national interest begin, should be defined by the moral codes of these centers.

The underground society should, by exerting pressure on the authorities, create conditions that draw a social contract nearer, while at the same time gradually acquire broader social and political rights.

The underground movement should be decentralized. All of the elements of the union have the responsibility to undertake actions to inspire and organize the underground society. The underground regional decision-making bodies will fulfill a consultative-coordinative function in each of the various regions. They will give direction to its work, and publish recommendations, instructions, and responses in the underground press. Nationwide coordination is undertaken by the Temporary Coordinating Commission.

We anticipate that the underground movement will become an additional factor shaping the international situation, and will be in the service of the Polish cause.

The proposed actions will create a movement of a national community united around the idea of Solidarity. The underground society will become the basis for political activity, even if the union is delegalized, it will prevent society from losing faith, exert constant pressure on the authorities, threaten to isolate them completely, and force them to recognize the fact that only an accord leads toward a solution of the problems presently facing Poland.

The underground society movement establishes the necessary conditions for an effective struggle for our current goals: freeing political prisoners and those interned, ending the state of war, and reinstating an independent union movement; and for the long-run goal: the creation of a self-governing [Republic].

July 28, 1982.

Zbigniew Bujak, Mazowsze Region

Wladyslaw Frasyniuk, Lower Silesia Region

Wladyslaw Hardek, Malopolska Region

Bogdan Lis, Gdansk Region

Eugeniusz Szumiejko, Member of the Presidium of the National Commission

page 15

BEFORE THE LABOR COURT

[In the 18th issue of Mazowswe Weekly, dated June 16, 1982, an account was reported of the cases of Danuta Boldog and Jacek Jazwa, who were dismissed from their jobs at the Supreme Court of Poland for continuing union activity at the Solidarity chapter organized at the Supreme Court.]

Danuta Boldog, who worked for 22 years as the librarian at the Supreme court, and Jacek Jazwa, an administrative employee, both activists of the Solidarity chapter at the Supreme Court of Poland, were dismissed from their jobs.

The Chairman of the Supreme Court (a lawyer by training) ignored the rule in the Labor Code which requires that a notice of dismissal from a job must include the justification of such decision, and he also forgot to inform the dismissed employees of their legal rights [to appeal the decision].

The dismissed employees submitted a complaint to the District Labor Appeals Commission in Warsaw which ruled that the dismissal was invalid.

The Chairman of the Supreme Court appended that ruling to the Regional Labor Court, which upheld the District Labor Appeals Commission. Following are excerpts from the opinion of the Labor Court:

"The Supreme Court concluded that the suspension of trade union activity [implies]...that all laws protecting employment rights of trade union activists have lost their force [...].

"The administrative order no. 51 of the Prime Minister which suspended trade union activity regulates matters concerned with the protection of property belonging to the suspended organizations, matters concerning job rights of persons employed by such organizations, but it does not deal at all with the questions concerning the rights of trade unions guaranteed by the Labor Code, and therefore it does not eliminate them. Of course Article 38 [of the Labor Code], which requires that the employer who wants to dismiss an employee must request an opinion of the [appropriate] trade union chapter, cannot be applied in practice, as the enterprise trade union committees are forbidden to engage in any activity. But nothing abolishes the rule of Article 39 [of the Labor Code] which protects trade union activists from dismissal for two years after their activity has ended.

"If the interpretation of the dismissal presented by the employer, i.e. by the Supreme Court, were accepted, "then article 4, item 2 of the Decree about the State of War would become a universal legal norm permitting noncompliance with a whole bevy of labor law rules, depending on the needs of social and economic life during the state of war. [...]

"This would lead not to the correct application of the law, but to the creation of a variety of legal norms by organs charged with carrying out the law. Such organs would thus acquire the power to decide what is a binding law, and what is not...."

The very same day the Chairman of the Supreme Court brought an Extraordinary Appeal before his Court, asking that the Labor Court's ruling be reversed. (This special procedure may involve the Minister of Justice, the Prosecutor General, or the Chairman of the Supreme Court.] And, on the same day, the Supreme Court accepted this appeal and ruled that the dismissals of D. Boldog and J. Jazwa were legal.

page 17

IS ANOTHER AUGUST POSSIBLE?

[Bogdan Lis is one of four members of the Temporary Coordinating Commission, established on April 22. He is an elected member of Solidarity's National Commission and of Gdansk Solidarity's Presidium. Up to Solidarity's National Congress he was the foreign affairs spokesman for Solidarity. He was interviewed by Mazowsze Weekly, issue no. 14, May 19, 1982, as part of a series of interviews with Solidarity leaders underground.]

Editor: In your opinion, is another August possible?

Bogdan Lis: Perhaps, if the authorities are genuinely willing to come to an agreement...But the situation today is completely different. Today the society knows that a strike means an immediate danger. If it comes to negotiations, their objectives would not include concrete, detailed demands, but rather regulating the solution of conflicts, working out guarantees that agreements will not be broken.

August may be repeated in the sense that the Shipyard [i.e. the Lenin Shipyards in Gdansk] if necessary, would give the signal, would appeal to the rest of the country. The workers are conscious that the Gdansk Shipyard is a symbol of freedom.

Editor: But hasn't the fact that the December strikes were successfully crushed demoralized the workers?

Bogdan Lis: That is true--the strikes were crushed; the ZOMO won the first battle. Although the workers could have defended themselves. Passages were blockaded with railroad cars, the gates were welded together. The port, for example, was surrounded with a barricade of railroad cars. The tugboats armed with water cannons were moored in the canal and ready to shoot [at the police]. Printing equipment had been loaded onto the barges so that in case of an attack it could be shipped away. Even when the ZOMO overran the barges they did not seize the machines--we had carried them away and they are being used now. That strike ended not with pacification, but with an agreement between the strikers and the surrounding security forces.

In general, the resistance in the Tri-city [Gdansk, Sopot, and Gdynia] wasn't the kind that necessitated the use of firearms to crush it. Due to the outlook of the strikers, Polish society emerged with its backbone intact. There was no shooting, there was no horror of death. Because of that--in spite of the psychological shock [of the war]--Polish society continues to live. It was possible to strike again as was done at the Gdansk Shipyard in August (in December 1. But it was known that the authorities were prepared to murder the workers. We didn't want to waste people's lives. If there is no other way out, if the society senses that there is no way out, then we shall go for it. If necessary, we shall risk our lives.

Editor: What is the mood in Gdansk like today?

Bogdan Lis: The resistance keeps growing. This is visible everywhere. People wear resisters [electronic parts that are popular replacements of Solidarity badges].

Wearing union badges is punishable by misdemeanor courts, so "Solidarity" stickers are being displayed on briefcases. Leaflets are constantly thrown onto the streets. The walls are painted with slogans; the secret police paint them over. Official announcements are being stamped over with a silhouette of a crow, and the agents are forced to tear them down. On the thirteenth day of each month, at 9:00 P.M., many lights go off in people's houses, especially in newly constructed neighborhoods.

People take part in short strikes called by activists in the region. There are also strikes of a few minutes duration initiated at individual enterprises. For example, when the trials of the Shipyard's Solidarity Commission took place, the crews stopped work for fifteen minutes. Even the administration employees went out "for a cigarette."

Solidarity members go to watch the trial proceedings of their leaders. The names of the judges and prosecutors and of prosecution witnesses from the workplace are being written down and published; in many cases we caused them to withdraw their evidence and then the public prosecutors demanded that they be punished for false testimony. Committees of Social Resistance [KOS] are being created, especially in large enterprises. Of course, there is the press: two regional weeklies and over twenty others, including factory newsletters.

You ask about the mood in Gdansk: the whole society is so pent-up that people want to go out in the streets, to do something every day.

Editor: How is the union in the Gdansk region organized?

Bogdan Lis: Solidarity resistance cells arose spontaneously at the enterprises. They act, and they have contact with those who coordinate the resistance in the whole region, among them: Bogdan Borusewicz, Aleksander Hall, Jarosz, and myself. Our task is not to substitute for those who are locked up, but to press for negotiations in which they would take part.

We do not issue orders; we formulate recommendations, coordinating and inspiring [others]. We work out a common stand and depend on the force of our arguments. We feel that people trust us, that our voice counts. Otherwise I would not be undertaking this. I am a member of the Regional Executive Commission and the National Commission. I would not be in order if I did not show initiative.

People not in hiding, who work normally, also cooperate with us. We receive information from them about what the union members want. The work crews expect that concrete guidance from the activists able to direct Solidarity underground. I think that we shall fulfill their expectations.

Editor: What is your program of action?

Bogdan Lis: The problem is that the explosion should not come too soon. We can have a situation in which the people will not have any alternative but to go all the way. The activists should direct this in such a way that society benefits from the casualties that it will suffer.

We are concerned that the tension which exists now will be defused before a nationwide action takes place. Attempting to think politically we sometimes appear to act too cautiously. But we should conserve our strength for that moment when the general strike becomes necessary in order to prove to the authorities that we are ready for anything.

Our goal is to bring about a dialogue. But to start negotiations the authorities need a counterpart, not a Judas. If they decide to delegalize Solidarity then they must know that no agreement is possible. The only chance to have an accord is to escalate the pressure. If social resistance is not effective it will diminish, leaving behind hatred and impotence. It may come to that in a year or a year and a half. Therefore our chance is to do this quickly, to direct the resistance in such a way that it brings concrete results--even if we don't succeed in freeing people from the camps, at least we should demonstrate that the society is united, that our struggle is wisely organized, that a person dismissed from his job, and his family, will be taken care of. This is very important: the knowledge that if I am arrested, somebody will fight for me. Those who are now in prison fought for the freedom of the internees. Now we must fight for their freedom.

How should we fight? We should use surprise, by not letting the authorities know when and where the strike is to start. Members of Solidarity will learn the date immediately beforehand--this will prevent counterattack preparations, or the other alternative is that the ZOMO will have to be in a state of readiness at all times. We can also proclaim a two-day strike, so that it wouldn't pay to crush it.

We must prepare for a general attack. But we must also prepare for a long struggle. We must shape the consciousness of our youth, organize study groups...We even have to take into account the possibility that this will last twenty years.

We thought in December that the state of war had been introduced for only two or three months. However, it is still with us. I don't think, in spite of everything, that it will last many years. I think that the society will be victorious much earlier. It has moral force on its side.

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